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Zionism and Israel
The Ancient Dream of a Jewish Home in Israel
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Ever since their expulsions from the land, Jews had been dreaming of a return to Zion - Eretz Yisrael, the Land of Israel. Zionism is the movement of a return of the Jewish people to their ancient homeland. 

The Dream

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Ever since their exile, Jews dispersed among the nations of the world, 'Next year in Jerusalem' was their greeting to express the dream of a return to their ancient homeland - Eretz Yisrael, the Land of Israel. Jews 'had prayed for a return to Zion' ever since their expulsion by Rome from Judea in the first century CE, yet the 'dream of such a return seemed a fantasy' (Israel, 3). However, the dream never died, and was often rekindled stronger during times of pogroms and persecution. Would their God lead them back and establish them in the land He had promised them 4,000 years ago, when God told Abram to go 'to the land which I will show you; and I will make you a great nation' (Genesis 12:1-2)? With Muslims ruling the land for centuries (since their invasion and conquest in 7th century) and being part of the Turkish Ottoman Empire since the early 1500s, it seemed impossible.

 

Yet Jews never gave up on their dream to return to Judea, where the name 'Jew' comes from. The Jews associated themselves and identified with the land of their origin. Ever since Abram, the father of the Jewish people, set foot in the land, there is a connection with the land and a 4,000 year old almost uninterrupted Jewish presence in the land. David established Jerusalem - the city of peace - as the capital in their first monarchy 3,000 years ago. Jerusalem was also known as the city of David. Jesus called it 'the city of the great King' (see Matthew 5:35; cf., Psalm 48:2). Jerusalem is the most-often conquered city in history and still today hotly contested. All three Abrahamic religions make different claims to the city of peace.

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The Hope

 

Zionism is, therefore, the dream of a return to Zion, the ancient homeland of the Jewish people. It was a dream based on hope. The poetry of Roumanian Jew Naphtali Herz Imber in Hatikvah (The Hope) inspired Israel's national anthem and expressed the ancient dream of a return to Zion:

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'As long as deep in the heart the soul of a Jew yearns, and towards the East an eye looks to Zion

Our hope is not yet lost the age-old hope, to return to the land of our fathers to the city where David dwelt'

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The second verse was changed to: 'our hope is not yet lost the hope of two thousand years, to be a free people in our land, the land of Zion and Jerusalem' (Israel, 7). 'The idea of the restoration of Jewish nationhood in the ancient homeland had its roots deep in Jewish faith and tradition' (History 2001, 323). The modern-day pioneer of this ancient dream said: 'If you will it, it is no dream.' They were about to make the dream a reality...

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Theodor Herzl

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The origins of Zionism as a political movement can be traced back to the late 1800s. Hungarian-born Jewish journalist Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) is often described as the modern-day Moses, the one who enabled God's people to become a nation. Herzl pioneered the political side of Israel's modern-day statehood, inspired the vision and sought to rally international legal and financial support for it. 'At Basel I founded the Jewish State!' he noted after the First Zionist Congress in Basle, Switzerland (1897). He had laid the vision and groundwork for the renaissance of the Jewish people in their ancient homeland. Herzl was the 'ideological founder of the Jewish State' (History 2001, 323).

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Herzl was a journalist in France (since 1891) and had reported on the discrimination of the Dreyfus Affair, when a Jewish-French military official was falsely accused and publicly humiliated as a traitor (he was later acquitted). Herzl was 'shocked by the anti-Semitism in France'; the 'Dreyfus trial was a watershed in Jewish history' (Israel, 10). Despite the emancipation of Jews after the French Revolution, anti-Semitism was still a real threat to Jews. They were not safe. The Jews were, as Nathan Feinberg put it, 'a persecuted people without a country' (Holocaust, 39). We must keep in mind that before 1790 'not a single European Jew was a citizen of the land in which he lived' (My People, 60), which meant they did not enjoy the rights, privileges, and, most importantly, protection of citizenship. But by 1880 'almost the entire Jewish population of Central and Western Europe' had gained 'total equality' and 'new freedom' (My People, 60). Jews were no longer second-class people, vulnerable to persecution and expulsion as during the Middle Ages, yet still, anti-Semitism remained a real threat and deeply rooted in too many people. This endangered their safety. Herzl pursued the dream of a secure place for Jews. History had shown all too often that Jews are not safe under foreign rulers, Christian, secular or Muslim. Jews were, after all, 'a persecuted people without a country.' They needed their own home where they can rule themselves - and defend themselves when necessary. 'Once the Jews were "fixed in their own land," Herzl wrote, it would no longer be possible to scatter them all over the world.' His dream was to 'live at last as free men on our soil, and die peacefully in our own homes' (Israel, 11-12).

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Another major event that lead Herzl to his conclusions and motivated his actions was the 'anti-Semitic political party' of Vienna mayor Karl Lueger and his denouncing of Jews that secured him many votes (1893) . Herzl wrote in his diary that the 'mood among the Jews was one of despair.' He was convinced that 'he could persuade both Jews and Gentiles to support the idea of a Jewish State in Palestine,' starting by contacting the Sultan of Turkey and seeking support from the German Kaiser and leading Jews of Western Europe for 'a Jewish homeland, recognised as such by the Great Powers of the world' (Israel, 10). While Herzl found some support, there was also Turkish and Arab opposition to his plans, as well as Jewish doubt about his ideas from both the religious and the secular quarters (Israel, 12-13). Some even thought his ideas were 'insane,' to which physician and philosopher Max Nordau responded: 'If you are insane, we are insane together' (Israel, 10). Jewish philanthropist Maurice de Hirsch provided generous financial support. Asher Ginsburg of the Lovers of Zion was emphasising the need for 'a centre of spiritual regeneration,' rather than 'a Jewish political centre.' Yet Herzl remained optimistic (Israel, 13). The response to laying out his ideas for a Jewish State at the First Zionist Congress (1897), with 200 delegates from 24 different states and territories, gave him courage to further pursue his dream. 

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His famous book Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State) published in 1896 inspired many Jews around the world. 'Zionism propose a national identity and a national home for the Jews.' Herzl wrote that the Jews were strong when united and that 'we are strong enough to form a State, and, indeed, a model State. We possess all human and material resources necessary for the purpose.' He envisioned the State to be 'a model society... moulded in the image of European democracy but with Jewish values as its foundation. It was to be secular, not religious; bound by laws that derived from the European civil codes, guided by the European - and American - example of the separation of Church and State, looking forward to the twentieth century, not backward to the middle ages' (Israel, 11).

 

The task of his World Zionist Organisation (founded in 1896) was to 'negotiate their return openly, by a legal agreement with the Ottoman government, and with the formal approval of the Great Powers,' agreements that 'must be based on rights and not on toleration.' To him, 'Zionism' was to be 'a civilized, law-abiding, humane movement towards the ancient good of our people.' Their official programme stated that 'The task of Zionism is to secure for the Jewish people in Palestine a publicly recognised, legally secured homeland' (Israel, 14). For Jews the legal aspect of agreements with all relevant parties, notably the Ottoman Turks and Great Powers, was of utmost importance. Later, as history unfolded, the State of Israel would be legally established by vote at the United Nations, yet not without opposition as we shall see.

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'At Basel I founded the Jewish State. If I said this out loud today, l would be greeted by universal laughter. In five years perhaps, and certainly in fifty years, everyone will perceive it.'
Theodor Herzl

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The Origins of Modern Israel as a State

 

Expulsion, Persecution and Return

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Jews have had an almost uninterrupted presence in Judea, yet the great majority of Jews was dispersed around the world ever since the early exiles (Assyrian and Babylonian) and more so after the defeat by the Roman armies in 70 CE and the smaller attempts of Jewish resistance against Roman rule after that. 'Jerusalem was left a ruined city by the siege, its Temple destroyed, the walls nothing but rubble' (History 1987, 140). Rome crushed the Jews with an iron first, killed hundreds of thousands and enslaved many thousands. 'Nearly the entire land of Judaea was laid waste.' Roman military victory 'effectively ended Jewish state history in antiquity' (History 1987, 142-143). Emperor Hadrian (between 132-135 CE) even renamed the land of the Jews to 'Palestine' (land of the Philistines, one of Israel's archenemies to the southwest), to further humiliate them in cynical manner; he rebuilt the ruins of Jerusalem as a Greek polis (city), calling it 'Aelia Capitolina.' Nevertheless, some Jews remained somewhere in the land, their centre shifted from Jerusalem to Galilee in the north, yet access to their capitol was forbidden 'on pain of death,' with the notable exception of visiting the 'Wailing Wall' (the only remnant of the Temple) on the day of their defeat and expulsion by Rome in order to commemorate that sad day (History 1987, 143).

 

After the expulsion and enslavement by Rome, Jews were scattered to the four corners of the world. Anti-Semitism increased, persecutions were frequent and more expulsions of Jews took place during the Middle Ages, especially in Western Europe. Jews were more welcomed in the East, however, Russia was often very hostile towards them. 'Jewish life in Eastern Europe was hard, and often dangerous,' yet it contributed to 'create a wonderful Jewish spirit' (My People, 91). Golda Meir (1898-1978), later Prime Minister of Israel, recalled her upbringing in 'poverty-stricken, wretched little communities in which Jews eked out a living, comforting themselves with the hope that things would somehow be better one day and with their belief that there was a point to their misery' (My People, 92). Jewish life was 'terribly hard,' nearly every Jew being poor (93). Abba Eban explains that (108):

 

'The early Zionists came to Eretz Yisrael not so much because they were driven there by the hardships of their previous homes, but because they were drawn by the promise of a new life. The wanted the special joy and challenge of building one's home from the very foundations, instead of merely inhabiting a society whose foundations and main structure had already been built. Above all, they wanted a future in which the Jewish people could simply be itself and live within its own origins, its own landscapes, its own language and faith and background. They sought and found a deep harmony between their human and their Jewish identities.'

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A Persecuted People without a Country

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Although driven by 'the promise of a new life,' the suffering of Jews at the hand of Gentile rulers was a decisive factor that showed the need for autonomy in order to be safe. The pogroms in Russia (1881, 1903) had shattered the belief that assimilation was the way to gain protection by the authorities. Following the idea of Mendelssohn that 'when Jews became more and more part of the modern world they would be more and more accepted by Gentile society' (My People, 121) provide an illusion. Jews had loyally served Russia in its war against Japan, yet were not given equal rights as subjects to the czars. The only proper solution was 'a permanent home for Jews in the land of Israel' (My People, 121). Jews were, as Nathan Feinberg so accurately stated,  'a persecuted people without a country' (Holocaust, 39) in need of political autonomy so they could rule and protect themselves, and no longer be exposed to persecution and expulsions. They need a return to Zion.

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In the mid-1800s, around 90% of Jews lived in Eastern Europe, North Africa and Asia. 3 millions Jews were the so-called Ostjuden (Jews of the East), making up 75% of world Jewry (History 1996, 4). Jerusalem had a Jewish majority since 1850, with around 8,000 of the 10,000 Jews living in Palestine residing in the ancient, Davidic capitol. The other Jews lived in Safed (north), Tiberias on the Sea of Galilee, Acre and Jaffa (coast). As early as 1700, 1,500 Jews from Poland, Hungary and Moravia moved to the Holy Land, yet 500 died on the journey. In 1777, 300 Hasidic Jewish families emigrated from Poland and in 1812, around 400 followers of one of the enlightened Jewish sages Vilna Gaon from Lithuania made 'Aliyah,' the Jewish concept of 'ascent' (going up, i.e., return) to Zion/Jerusalem (Israel, 3). Between 1864 and 1889, the Jewish majority of Jerusalem grew from 8,000 to 25,000 due mainly to immigration. 14,000 Arabs lived in the city; just under half a million Arabs in the land.

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Early Life in Palestine

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Life was hard in Palestine, many Jews were poor, often living of charity, yet 'the attraction of Palestine was growing.' German Jew Moses Hess advocate for 'the Jewish return to Palestine,' Jewish nationality being inseparably connected with the Holy Land (Eretz Yisrael) and the Eternal City (Jerusalem). In 1870, Charles Netter 'founded an agricultural school at Mikveh Israel (Hope of Israel)' near Jaffa with Ottoman-Turkish approval. British Christian writer Mary Ann Evans published (as George Eliot in 1876) the inspiring novel Daniel Deronda about the Zionist dreamwhich made its impact on many Jews, including Eliezer Ben-Yehuda who would revive Hebrew as a modern language. Evans cast a vision that 'our dispersed people in all the ends of the earth may share the dignity of a national life.' In 1878, Jews from Jerusalem bought land of a Greek landowner and founded Petah Tikvah (Gateway of Hope) an religious Jews from Safed founded Rosh Pinah. Both projects failed due to hardships (such as malaria, bad harvests, Arab harassment and lack of funds), yet the latter was revived in 1882 by Roumanian Jews fleeing persecution with funds from French Jewish philanthropist Baron Edmond de Rothschild (Israel, 4).

 

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Agriculture to cultivate and 'redeem' the Land

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The vicious pogroms against Jews in Russia in 1881 made many leave for the USA, Britain, South Africa and elsewhere. Some emigrated to the Holy Land. Russian and other Jews, too, sought to establish farming communities in their ancient homeland, often with great sacrifices and loss of life. The secular, socialist Jews from Russia known as Bilu (from the Hebrew Beth Jacob Lechu Venelcha, 'O House of Jacob, come and let us go!') were farmers with a vision to 'redeem' the land by working the land. Judah Leib Pinsker was president of Russian-born movement Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion), stressing the 'importance of the "return to the soil" of Palestine.' The First Aliyah settled 25,000 Russian Jews between 1882 and 1903 in Palestine. The vision was 'to restore to the Jewish people the political independence of which it has been deprived for two thousand years,' as Vladimir Dubnow wrote in 1882 (Israel, 5-6). In the same year, Zichron Yaakov (Memory of Jacob) was found by Romanian Jewish immigrants and Gibraltar-born Jew Hayyim Amzalak (in the Land since 1830) bought the land on which Petah Tikveh had been founded. He later became British vice-consul of Jaffa. He also 'helped to finance the establishment of Rishon le-Zion (First to Zion).' In 1890, a small farming settlement in the Upper Galilee at the Joran river was called Mishmar Ha-Yarden (Guard of the Jordan), established by the Lovers of Zion. They also found Hadera (The Green) which eventually blossomed with citrus fruits. In the same year Rehovot (Wide Expanse) was founded as a Jewish village with land bought from a wealthy Christian Arab landowner. There were frequent attacks by Arabs on some of these Jewish farms (Israel, 8-9).

 

The vastly 'desolate' land, as Mark Twain (and others) famously described it in his book (1869) about his trip to Palestine in 1867, started flourishing again (see map of early settlements). Sir Moses Montefiore and his wife Lady Judith (from the Rothschild family) had a 'deep love of the land of Israel,' and made several trips to the Holy Land from 1827 onwards. Despite the dangers of the journey, they sought to improve the 'pitiful condition' of the land and help the Jews living under 'harsh Turkish rule.' They sought to make 'the Jewish settlement financially independent,' 'helped set up farm colonies' (Jaffa, Safe, Tiberias), 'opened an industrial school and a girls' school, began building a hospital, and ordered the construction of a windmill' to grind grain. They practically and generously supported the 'new vision' they gave to the Jews of Palestine (My People, 64-65).

 

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The Dream becomes an Idea with Support

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Hence, 'slowly, with enormous difficulties, and yet with an incredible tenacity of purpose, the Jewish enterprise in Palestine grew... Despite the hazards of life imposed by nature, and by man, each year saw some new efforts at Jewish settlement... the nineteenth century was coming to an end with considerable Jewish activity in Palestine' (Israel, 6-9). Jews had settled along the coast, mainly in the north-west, after land purchases to establish small communities to revive and redeem the land. As Jewish immigration and foreign investment increased (e.g., Rothschild agricultural and wine-growing, notably the Carmel Oriental wine cellars), more Arabs from surrounding places found better paid work in Jewish enterprise. Jews like Herzl sought international support in the West to establish a secure homeland for the Jews. His ideas and the Zionist programme of the Basle Congress of 'a determine effort to secure a Jewish homeland, caught the imagination of vast numbers of Jews throughout the world, but especially in Eastern Europe and Russia, where life under the rule of Christian sovereigns was fraught with problems' (Israel, 16).

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Western Wall

'Although confronted with many problems, Israel possesses a strong will to succeed and prosper...'

-Martin Gilbert

​Political Changes and Developments

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With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I (1914-1918), the British were given the Mandate for Palestine by the League of Nations, the precursor of the United Nations. Under French and British administrative rule, modern nations were forged in the Middle East. The British had assured the Jews their efforts towards an establishment of a Jewish 'national home' in the famous Balfour Declaration of 1917 (History 2001, 324).

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'His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavour to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.'

 

At the 1920 San Remo Conference of the Allied Forces, Britain officially received the Mandate for Palestine and Iraq, and France for Syria (see Map), and the Balfour Declaration was included in the agreement, to the great relief and joy of the Jews dreaming of an officially recognised 'national home' in Zion. Further international legal footage was granted to the Zionist cause. In 1922, the British decided to divide the Palestine Mandate along the River Jordan. Transjordan (exclusive to Arabs) to the east (77% of the Mandate) would later become Jordan; the 23% west of the River was what was to be shared by, eventually divided between, Jews and Arabs (see Map). 

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Tensions grew in the 1920s and 1930s by Arab opposition to more Jewish immigration and possible Jewish sovereignty in any part of the land. The 'violent undercurrent of Arab nationalism [was] strongly opposed to the idea of a Jewish "home" in any part of the country' (History 2001, 326). Britain had also made land promises to Arabs. Jews fleeing Nazi Germany were eventually limited in their immigration to safety in Palestine due to Arab pressure on Britain. Arab attacks on Jews increased in that time by radical fractions. Otherwise Jews and Arabs had been living mostly peacefully side by side. German Nazi and Italian Fascist propaganda was spread in the Arab world, fuelling Arab nationalism and seeking to undermine their rivals England and France in North Africa and the Middle East. Stuck between the great powers, Arabs were seeking statehood and Jews were fleeing persecution, their only safe haven being Jewish Palestine. Their dream was to be free and safe.

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British High Commissioner Sir Herbert Samuel managed to establish 'a measure of quiet,' yet installing Haj el Amin el Husseini truned out to be a great mistake. The grand Mufti of Jerusalem would become an ally of Nazi Germany. In the 1929 Hebron massacre several Jews were killed, Arab riots having started at the Wailing Wall and spreading to other parts. The 'status quo' was restored. Then followed a 'very large immigration of German Jews' due to the rise of Nazism, bringing with them considerable wealth, which brought a positive transformation of infrastructure and a sharp increase of Jews in the land: a total of four hundred thousand Jews were now in Palestine, or 30% of the total population (History 2001, 326). How could the British establish a 'national home' for the Jews yet not to the detriment of non-Jewish communities? Was peace and coexistence possible? 

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Hitler's Rise to Power

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Adolf Hitler's rise to power in 1933 made everything worse for Jews - and the world. The dehumanising Nazi ideology lead to further discrimination of Jews. 'Kauft nicht bei Juden' (don't buy from Jews) was one of the economic strategies to build a Germany without Jews - by forcing them out. 'In four years, the German government had turned Jews into less than second-class citizens. Now other governments, and other peoples, especially those in Eastern Europe, looked with envy at the Nazi achievements, and allowed their own anti-Jewish prejudices to flourish' (Holocaust, 56). 'Get out to Palestine' was another slogan used in Germany (Holocaust, 54). While there were pogroms of Jews in Europe, there were such in Palestine by Arabs. While the Germans wanted the Jews out, the Arabs didn't want them in. What were they to do? Where were they to go? Where could they go and, most importantly, find safety? 

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What followed during World War II was horrifying beyond comparison. Winston Churchill called it 'a crime without a name' (Holocaust, 186). The mass murder of six million Jews remains the most extensive and horrible genocide in human history. May it NEVER AGAIN happen - to any people. Persecuted for almost 2,000 years and having suffered mass extermination beyond any scale, something more serious than an empty promise had to be done. Jews needed to be safe from harm.

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White Paper and Partition Plan

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With further Arab riots and violence between 1936 and 1939, the proposal by the Royal Peel Commission was partition to have two sovereign independent states: 'a Jewish state comprising Galilee and the coastal area down to Rehovoth, and an Arab state to include the rest of the country united with Transjordan, together with an enclave in Jaffa. Jerusalem, with a linkling corridor to the coast, was to be retained under British Mandate.' Jews accepted, Arabs declined and reverted to violence. Jews started to build military defences and increasingly resented British rule. The 'notorious White Paper of 1939' restricted Jewish immigration and sale of land to Jews, stifling the promise of a 'national home' and hoping to 'hand over a Jewish minority to the tender mercies of an Arab state' (History 2001, 329). This was, understandably, unacceptable to the Jews, and it felt like betrayal by Britain and the international community. 

 

The idea of the Partition was to divide the land with regard to Jewish and Arab majorities in these areas. The need for the Partition was because coexistence in one state seemed impossible. The British were to abandon the Mandate and hand it over to the United Nations (15 May 1948). In November the previous year, the United Nations General Assembly had voted 33 to 13 (10 abstentions) in favour of a Jewish and Arab state respectively (see Map of UN Partition Plan).

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Country Flags

United Nations

On 29 November 1947 the United Nations General Assembly

voted for a Two-State Solution in Palestine.

The Emergence of Modern Israel as a State

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Statehood and Recognition 

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14 May 1948 was the day the Jewish State was proclaimed by David Ben-Gurion in their Declaration of Independence based on international recognition and UN vote. The formerly 'persecuted people without a country' should finally have one. The United States of American and the Soviet Union immediately recognised the Jewish State. It was just over 50 years since Herzl expressed his hope that if not in five then in fifty years the dream would become a reality. Israeli set up a 'parliamentary democracy' with David Ben-Gurion as Prime Minister and Dr Chaim Weizmann as the country's first president. Given the overwhelming problems Israel faced, one can truly speak of a 'miracle' of 'almost mythical proportions.' The size of US state New Jersey or about half the size of Switzerland, its 8,000 square miles had military vulnerabilities, especially due to its hostile neighbours. The lack of natural resources, notably water, were serious challenges. Israel's Jewish population was 717.000 and 156.000 Arabs were include in its territory. Israel also absorbed 687.000 Jews from Eastern Europe and Muslim lands, such as Yemen (45.000), Iraq (121.000) and Libya (32.000). A few years later 240.000 Jews from North Africa and the Eastern Bloc would emigrate under the 1950 Law of Return, granting Jews citizenship in Israel. With such a stark increase, an economic 'miracle' was needed and Israel sought indigence of food production by 'making the desert bloom' (History 2001, 332-334).

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Triumph or Tragedy?

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What was a triumph for Jews, the Zionist dream fulfilled, was seen a tragedy by Arabs. Still today, they call it the 'nakba,' the catastrophe or disaster. With the 'War of Independence,' from a Jewish perspective, also known as the 'Arab-Israeli War of 1948,' the young, small Jewish State was tested to its limits by three invading Arab nations: Egypt, Transjordan and Syria. The Jews sought to implement the UN decision, but the Arabs not only refused to accept it, but sought to prevent it. The nakba, from an Arab perspective was not only loss of land to Jews, now having autonomy over some of the land, it displaced around 650.000 Arabs, some expelled by Jewish forces, others asked to leave by the invading Arab armies, with a promise of return after a successful military victory. Only, that victory for Arabs never happened and the refugees remained displaced. 

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Despite the 'General Armistice Agreements signed between Israel and the Arab states in 1949,' they 'did not bring peace to the area.' Arabs could not accept the existence of Israel and engaged in 'an unrelenting campaign of sabotage and terrorism, blockade and boycott,' Israel suffering 1,300 civilian casualties within a decade. 'The declared aim of the Arab states [at the time] was indeed to destroy the State of Israel an aim nurture by the dream of driving its people into the sea,' something encouraged by the Soviet Bloc, which emerged as an ally to the Arabs, both as weapons provider and in the United Nations (History 2001, 337-338). This was the period of the Cold War between the two Super Powers of the day: the United States and the Soviet Union. Israel is the USA's closest ally in the Middle East, the Soviet Communists forging alliances with the Arabs against their common enemies.

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War and Terrorism

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Israel had to fight several subsequent wars, notably the 1967 Six-Day War and the 1973 Yom Kippur War. The Six-Day War was a tremendous military victory by Israel, defeating the Egyptians in the south, mainly by its effective air force, the Syrians in the north, mainly in tank battles, and Jordan in the west, despite the overwhelming military superiority of the Arab armies. This lead to the famous Arab conference at Khartoum (Sudan) with its declaration of 'no peace, no negotiations, no recognition' with/of Israel. While some thought 'peace with the Arab world was just around the corner' after this decisive war, it turn out to be an illusion (History 2001, 343). 

 

Part of the 'watershed' moment of the 1967 war was that Israel had conquered the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip and the so-called West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and unified Jerusalem. After the first Arab-Israeli War in 1949, Egypt had taken control of Gaza and Jordan of the West Bank, territory now lost to Israel, territory now declared as 'occupied Palestinian territory,' which saw increasing Israeli settlements, something seen highly controversial by the international community. Around half a million Israeli Jews live in the West Bank today. Two other key developments took place before and after the 1967 war: the Soviet-Arab bloc started turning African nations against Israel at the United Nations, which made a huge impact on international affairs. In 1964, the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organiation) was founded, launching its first terror attack a year later, followed by many more, causing great suffering to Israelis and in turn, defence measures caused great loss on the Arab side, making peace even more unlikely if not impossible. 

 

In the Yom Kippur War of 1973, Israel at first took great losses before turning the war around until eventually a ceasefire was negotiated. It would lead to a peace treaty with Egypt (1979). Since that time, Arab national armies did not invade the Jewish State, but terrorism continued and increased. At the same time, efforts towards peace were made, notably by several US administrations. The Camp David and the Oslo Accords seemed the most hopeful, and most recently the Abraham Accords sought to normalise relationships between Israel and Arab/Muslim nations, including Saudi Arabia. The recent barbaric massacres in southern Israel by Hamas (7 October 2023) and the subsequent military actions by the IDF (Israel Defence Forces) have jeopardised peace in the Middle East. Once again, civilian casualties have been vast on the Palestinian side, causing international support to shift away from Israel who saw great sympathy despite the ISIS-type pogroms of over 1.400 civilians killed and over 200 kidnapped. Is peace an illusion? Can military action bring peace? Will diplomacy win the day for peace? 

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Statehood and Safety 
 

Israel is a very diverse country, made up of around 80% Jews and 20% Arabs. The Jews returned from all corners of the world which in part explains the diversity in the land. There is also a great diversity in political thought and religious practice, from the political spectrum of the right to the left, religious and secular parties, as well as from ultra-orthodox Jews to moderate and to secular Jews. But one thing unites all Jews: safety. Jews are culturally diverse and may be politically divided, yet when it comes to their safety and security, the origins of their Zionist dream of statehood remains clear: Jews need a land where they can rule themselves and if necessary defend themselves. The State of Israel gave them just that. 'Although confronted with many problems, Israel possesses a strong will to succeed and prosper...' (Israel xiii). Achieving statehood was a miracle, surviving what they did, was too.

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While some demonise the Jewish State and others support it, Israelis won't compromise their safety and security of the very real threat of annihilation. Some nations made peace with Israel (Egypt, Jordan), others have normalised their relationship with Israel. Arab leaders who welcome peace have realised that Israel is here to stay and that peace is best for everyone. The greatest threat to Israelis as people and the Jewish state as an entity, remains the terrorism that seeks to cause harm to Israelis and Israel and to undermine their safety and security. Despite Israel's powerful army and intelligence services, the recent breach of the border (7 October 2023) and the worst massacres of Jews since the Holocaust showed that Israel is not fully safe and needs its security measures in place. Israel has sought peace with its neighbours and has proven to make painful compromises to reach peace in a land where much blood was spilt. Yet Israel is not willing to risk its safety and security - it cannot and will not.

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'Peace will come when the Arabs will love their children more than they hate us.'

 

-Golda Meir

Radicalism and Security 
 

Israel has become both a prosperous and strong nation. Fighting wars against impossible odds and dealing with terrorism by radical jihadist groups, has made Israelis both to suffer and grieve, yet also more determined to be safe and secure on the one hand, yet also seeking ways towards peace, on the other. The terrible suffering on the Arab side of the conflict is heartbreaking and peace seems an illusion - yet every effort should be made to achieve it. In recent years many Arab nations have understood two important issues: (1) Israel is here to stay and (2) peace is best for everyone. This is the path forward. Arab statehood and prosperity requires Israeli security. The Arab Israelis enjoying a comparatively high standard of living has benefited from Israel's order and prosperity. The same we wish for all Arabs in the region. Peace is possible, based on mutual respect and understanding the suffering of their other side, rather than blaming and accusing and remaining in bitterness that fuels hatred. 

 

Fighting radicalism both militarily in the midst of civilisation population, and ideologically in the media and on college campuses, are, perhaps, among the greatest challenges for Israelis and Jews. Ideology cannot be defeated by weapons; it is eradicated through education with good values, but requires a will towards peace. Peace is possible if we teach our kids to lovePeace on paper won't hold if there is no peace in the hearts and minds of people. The greatest hinderance to peace is the indoctrination of radical ideas that make people hate - and kill - others. . Both those in power and ordinary civilians must have a will and heart towards peace.

 

Radicalism is a threat to security and therefore a hindrance to peace, for there can be no peace without security. Both Jews and Arabs must be guaranteed to live in peace and with dignity - and to respect one another. The voices for peace are so desperately needed yet often so painfully missing - or drowned in mass hysteria. When protestors call for genocide of Jews (note: not Israelis!) on the streets of the Arab and Western worlds and demand the abolishment of the State of Israel, something is seriously wrong. The century-old scapegoating of the Jews also found expression of blaming all Arab suffering solely on the Jews and their state. This, too, is a form of anti-Semitism. Arab leaders carry great responsibility for the suffering of their people, and the radical jihadi groups often promote 'martyrdom' to 'free Palestine.' This is a seriously misguided ideology that will lead to more hatred and war - and loss of life in both sides. This is not the way towards peace. Peace will not come by demonising one side, but by reaching the hand of peace toward them.

Abducted Israelis.JPG

Peace will come not come by demonising one side, but by reaching the hand of peace towards them.

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Sources, References

 

Abba Eban and David Bamberger, My People: Abba Eban's History of the Jews. Volume II. New York: Behrman House,  1979

Edward H. Flannery, The Anguish of the Jews. Twenty-Three Centuries of Antisemitism. Mahwah, NJ: Pauli's Press, 1985

Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust: The Jewish Tragedy. London: Fontana Press, 1986

Martin Gilbert, Churchill and the Jews. London: Simon & Schuster, 2007

Martin Gilbert, Israel. A History. Black Swan, 2008.

Paul Johnson, A History of the Jews. New York: Harper & Row, 1987

Howard M. Sachar, A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to our Time (2n Ed). New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996 (2001)

Michael Avi-Yonah (ed.), A History of Israel and the Holy Land. New York: The Continuum Publishing Group Inc., 2001

Viktor E. Frankl, Yes to Life in spite of Everything. London: Rider, 2019

Viktor E. Frankl, Man's Search for Meaning. London: Rider, 2004 

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